Why Financial Discipline Won't Save Europe and How Governance Change Might Do the Trick
The EU has taken a hesitant but
crucial step towards its own integration and the survival of the Euro. Through
the provision of bank guarantees, the vicious circle between latent currency
instability and deposit runs may have been broken. Bankia may be relieved that
it will not be run into the ground by Spaniards' fear of a Euro-exit.This
solution might have been politically complicated, but it was not fundamentally
difficult. And we all know that the deeper and more difficult issues remain.
Press and politicians alike focus on fiscal integration and the need to revisit
sovereignty and fiscal discipline. Some, mostly southerners, argue that an
integrated Europe is worth the cost and adjustments. Others, mostly northerners, are
concerned with the potential costs to themselves or the project's long-term
viability and desirability. The European project risks becoming a zero-sum game
edging towards disaster, and all seem to be forgetting an important point: The
problems of the south are structural rather than fiscal.If we consult the
OECD's statistics on hours worked per worker, we see that the country with the
highest national average after Korea is none other than Greece, which has been
steadily closing in on the top spot. The Netherlands comes last, with Germany just ahead. How can this be? Don't Greeks sip ouzo on the beach while
the virtuous Germans build cars? According to the statistics, that is entirely
wrong. If we look closely, we see that the real problem for Greeks at least,
those with jobs is not that they're work-shy. It's their monstrous public
sector, which is inefficient, often corrupt, and prone to meddling with the
allocation of productive effort in the private sector. In other words, Greece's problems are
fundamentally structural. Its administration is bloated and hopelessly
bureaucratic, unable to reform itself. The story of Greece is the story of a
failure in governance.These structural problems, which cause tax evasion (and
are often seen to justify it), are not unique to Greece. Spain's massive
banking mess with the Cajas de Ahorros is due to local politicians' influence
on banks, and their iniquitous links to property developers. Italy, too,
suffers from nepotism, political clientelism and corruption. It is precisely
this endemic southern European disease (most acute in Greece) that the EU can
fix.The problem with structural reform is that it upsets established links,
interests and routines. It goes against the grain of the political and
administrative infrastructure. It is always part of political rhetoric, yet
rarely translates into practice. So EU restructuring projects may offer the
continent a unique opportunity to tackle this problem. In Greece, the troika (the EU,
ECB and IMF) provide the ideal potential vehicle for something that the Greek
public desires, but its politicians cannot (or will not) deliver. What Europe now needs is a union that helps
reform the governance of weaker countries. It's not about wealth transfer, but
about a set of changes that help us all. This might fly in the north, too. It's
time to use the EU as an objective yet proactive arbiter who will help
restructure weaker countries through greater transparency and the redesign of
their administrations.The benefits are manifest, but change is alarmingly slow.
Greece's story is a case in point. The last three years have seen little
progress in structural reform, particularly in areas like administrative
rationalization or tax evasion. Greece has been able to get
away with disastrous "fiscally equivalent" measures where structural
goals were not met, leaving the original problem intact. The EU task force is
an overwhelmed and unwelcome band of mid-level European bureaucrats who speak
Greek; what is needed is a focused group of senior change managers with a
strong mandate. Neither resourcing nor expertise has been planned for
administrative reforms. And while the troika now recognizes the problem, the
new Greek government is poised to defend the crumbling public administration
and its protégés. So what can be done? EU Task Forces such as those operating
in Greece should not just support ministers with expertise. They should be
empowered to identify governance issues, corruption and administrative failings
and suggest solutions. They should be able to require for Key Performance
Indicators to be published and support their digestible presentation. They
should facilitate Greek-led initiatives to bypass or report corruption and
cronyism, and their recommendations should not be merely consultative. But
doing so not only requires Greek politicians play along and accept that
mandate, but also means the EU has to change its ways and its people. Change
managers and governance experts must replace polite bureaucrats with
conservative reflexes.Europe has a future, and at the heart of it lies
improving the governance of the south and borrowing from the achievements of
the north. This will require a change of approach, so that we find those with
the skill -- and the will -- to lead the change effort. Redesign and execution
should be the target, and the World Bank's recent change of heart, now offering
assistance to help rebuild Greece is welcome. Let's
hope that northern European leaders will push in this direction. Southern Europe's citizens may
eventually have something to be thankful for.
Cuba's aging population will test economic reform
The scene at Havana's
Victor Hugo Park is unfortunately typical, with a handful of boys kicking a
soccer ball through trees while dozens of gray-haired seniors bend and stretch
to the urgings of a government-employed trainer.So few children, so many
elderly. It's a central dilemma for a nation whose population is the oldest in
Latin America, and getting older.The labor force soon will be shrinking as
health costs soar, just when President Raul Castro's government is struggling
to implement reforms that aim to resuscitate an economy long on
life support."We must be perfectly clear that the aging of the
populace no longer has a solution," Castro's economic czar, Marino
Murillo, told lawmakers in an alarmed tone last month. "It is going to
happen, and that cannot be changed in the short term. ... Society must
prepare itself."The aging of Cuba's population has its roots in some
of the core achievements of Fidel
Castro's revolution, including a universal health care system that has
increased life expectancy from 69 years during the 1960s to 78 today,
comparable with the United States.Abortions are free and it is estimated
that half of Cuban pregnancies are terminated. High university graduation
rates, generally associated worldwide with low fertility numbers, have Cuban
women averaging 1.5 children, below the rate of replacement.Cuba's National
Office of Statistics says about 2 million of the island's 11 million
inhabitants, or 17 percent, were over 60 years old last year. That's already
high compared to Latin America as a whole, where the rate is somewhere north of
9 percent, extrapolating from U.N.
figures from 2000.That U.N. study shows Cuba's population is aging even
faster than that of China, which has forbidden couples to have more than one
child. Cuba's rate would be typical in a wealthy European nation. But Cuba
lacks the wealth to cope with it.The trend is accelerating, with the
number of seniors projected to nearly double to 3.6 million, or a third of the
population, by 2035. During the same period, working-age Cubans are expected to
decline from 65 percent to 52 percent.The future may look a lot like Emelia
Moreno. Still vigorous at 75 years old, she lives alone in a small
apartment in Central Havana and spends much of her time at a neighborhood
senior center that provides 1,000 retirees with medical attention, meals and
social activities such as singing and dance classes."Cuba is fighting
so that people of a certain age don't feel too bad," she said.But her
only child left for the U.S. a decade ago, and she knows that one day she'll be
completely dependent on the government because she has no family to take care
of her when she cannot."I had heard people talk about how they felt
empty when a family member left, but I had no idea," Moreno said,
caressing a photo of her daughter, Yeniset.The graying trend can be traced
partly to the country's weak economy, resulting in the loss of people such as
Yeniset, an outflow of 35,000 per year as people seek opportunity in the United
States and elsewhere.Research shows emigrants are increasingly women of
child-bearing age, which compounds the problem, according to Alberta
Duran, who was among the first to examine the aging trend before retiring
from her post at a Cuban sociological research institute."The aging
population has been turning into Cuba's biggest demographic problem since the
1990s," Duran said.By 2021, more Cubans will be leaving the workforce than
entering, according to government projections.The contracting labor pool
presents a challenge for Cuba's goal of making the country more productive and
efficient without abandoning its policy of providing for everyone's basic
needs. Officials aim to eliminate 1 million redundant government jobs and grow
a non-state sector that, it is hoped, will account for 40 percent of economic
activity compared with about 15 percent today."Reform becomes more
difficult due to emigration,"said Sergio
Diaz-Briquets,a Washington-based expert on Cuban demographics. "Those
who leave are the youngest, best-educated and most ambitious."And with the
ranks of seniors increasing, Diaz-Briquets said, resources that could be used
to stimulate the economic project inevitably will have to be diverted to care
for the elderly.Demographers agree that Cuba's population has topped out around
11.2 million, and negative growth will be the rule for the foreseeable
future.Murillo, the economic czar, said authorities are studying measures for
next year to try to stimulate fertility rates, but he did not give
details."We are going to have a serious problem with the availability of a
labor force," Murillo acknowledged.In recent years Cuba has implemented a
number of measures for the aging, including an expanded denture distribution program
and establishing "grandparents' circles" of elderly citizens who get
together for activities and help each other out when the relatives they live
with are at work.Authorities recently asked seniors to keep active later in
life by rolling the retirement age progressively back from 55 to 60 for women
and from 60 to 65 for men. Raul Castro himself is already 16 years past his
golden-watch moment, at 81.Cuba recently allowed retirees to return to work and
still collect their pensions. They're also being encouraged to join the class
of small-business owners setting up shop under Castro's reforms, though experts
say that idea has limited potential.Aging populations present difficulties for
countries around the world, and attempts to spur birth rates have produced meager
returns, Diaz-Briquets said.But he suggested that if Castro's reforms can
create more opportunities for private enterprise, Cuba might be able to woo
immigrants from countries where extreme poverty is rampant and homicides are
skyrocketing, places where the Communist-run island's free health care and
relative public safety might seem a good alternative."The situation in
Haiti and some Central American nations will continue to be even worse than in
Cuba," Diaz-Briquets said, adding that a post-U.S.-embargo Cuba could be
even more attractive to potential migrants from those countries. "The way
things are going, and assuming some more positive scenarios for Cuba, the idea
doesn't seem that outlandish."
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